Nkrumah (1909-1972) was an African politician and activist who became
the first president of the Republic of Ghana. Born in the British
colony of Gold Coast, Nkrumah studied at the historically black Lincoln College in the United
States, where he became acquainted with African
American intellectuals and their civil rights struggle. Upon returning to his homeland, in
1949, he helped found the Convention People's Party, which advocated
for immediate home rule rather than gradual emancipation within the
British commonwealth. Periodically imprisoned and harassed by colonial
authorities, Nkrumah became the colony's leading politician,
and eventually the first elected head of state of the newly independent
Ghana in 1960. Nkrumah attempted to place his homeland on the path to
rapid industrial development, but ballooning national debt and a
plummeting market for cocoa, Ghana's largest export, resulted in
economic stagnation and popular dissatisfaction. Nkrumah was deposed by a military coup d'etat in
1966, and lived the remainder of his life in exile in neighboring
Guinea. One of Nkrumah's most long-held and deeply cherished ambitions was
that of a Pan-African political union. To that end, he was one of
the architects of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which
sought cultivate closer economic, social, and political bonds among the
continent's inhabitants. Below is the text of the address Nkrumah
delivered at the conference in Ethiopia in 1963 which inaugurated the
Kwame Nkrumah, Speech to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Adis Ababa, May 24, 1963.
Your Excellencies, Colleagues, Brothers and Friends, the
first gathering of African Heads of State, to which I had the honour of
playing host, there were representatives of eight independent States
only. Today, five years later, we meet as the representatives of no
less than thirty-two States, the guests of His Imperial Majesty, Haile
Selassie, the First, and the Government and people of Ethiopia. To His
Imperial Majesty, I wish to express, on behalf of the Government and
people of Ghana my deep appreciation for a most cordial welcome and
increase in our number in this short space of time is open testimony to
the indomitable and irresistible surge of our peoples for independence.
It is also a token of the revolutionary speed of world events in the
latter half of this century. In the task which is before us of unifying
our continent we must fall in with that pace or be left behind. The
task cannot be attached in the tempo of any other age than our own. To
fall behind the unprecedented momentum of actions and events in our
time will be to court failure and our own undoing.
whole continent has imposed a mandate upon us to lay the foundation of
our Union at this Conference. It is our responsibility to execute this
mandate by creating here and now the formula upon which the requisite
superstructure may be erected.
this continent it has not taken us long to discover that the struggle
against colonialism does not end with the attainment of national
independence. Independence is only the prelude to a new and more
involved struggle for the right to conduct our own economic and social
affairs; to construct our society according to our aspirations,
unhampered by crushing and humiliating neo-colonialist controls and
the start we have been threatened with frustration where rapid change
is imperative and with instability where sustained effort and ordered
rule are indispensable.
sporadic act nor pious resolution can resolve our present problems.
Nothing will be of avail, except the united act of a united Africa. We
have already reached, the stage where we must unite or sink into that
condition which has made Latin America the unwilling and distressed
prey of imperialism after one and a half centuries of political
a continent we have emerged into independence in a different age, with
imperialism grown stronger, more ruthless and experienced, and more
dangerous in its international associations. Our economic advancement
demands the end of colonialist and neo-colonialist domination in Africa.
just as we understood that the shaping of our national destinies
required of each of us our political independence and bent all our
strength to this attainment, so we must recognise that our economic
independence resides in our African union and requires the same
concentration upon the political achievement.
unity of our continent, no less than our separate independence, will be
delayed if, indeed, we do not lose it, by hobnobbing with colonialism.
African Unity is, above all, a political kingdom which can only be
gained by political means. The social and economic development of
Africa will come only within the political kingdom, not the other way
around. The United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, were the political decisions of revolutionary peoples before
they became mighty realities of social power and material wealth.
except by our united efforts, will the richest and still enslaved parts
of our continent be freed from colonial occupation and become available
to us for the total development of our continent? Every step in the
decolonisation of our continent has brought greater resistance in those
areas where colonial garrisons are available to colonialism.
is the great design of the imperialist interests that buttress
colonialism and neo-colonialism, and we would be deceiving ourselves in
the most cruel way were we to regard their individual actions as
separate and unrelated. When Portugal violates Senegal’s border, when
Verwoed allocated one-seventh of South Africa’s budget to military and
police, when France builds as part of her defence policy an
interventionist force that can intervene, more especially in
French-speaking Africa, when Welensky talks of Southern Rhodesia
joining South Africa, it is all part of a carefully calculated pattern
working towards a single end: the continued enslavement of our still
dependent brothers and an onslaught upon the independence of our
sovereign African States.
we have any other weapon against this design but our unity? Is not our
unity essential to guard our own freedom as well as to win freedom for
our oppressed brothers, the Freedom Fighters?
it not unity alone that can weld us into an effective force, capable of
creating our own progress and making our valuable contribution to world
peace? Which independent African State will claim that its financial
structure and banking institutions are fully harnessed to its national
development? Which will claim that its material resources and human
energies are available for its own national aspirations? Which will
disclaim a substantial measure of disappointment and disillusionment in
its agricultural and urban development?
independent Africa we are already re-experiencing the instability and
frustration which existed under colonial rule. We are fast learning
that political independence is not enough to rid us of the consequences
of colonial rule.
movement of the masses of the people of Africa for freedom from that
kind of rule was not only a revolt against the conditions which it
people supported us in our fight for independence because they believed
that African Governments could cure the ills of the past in a way which
could never be accomplished under colonial rule. If, therefore, now
that we are independent we allow the same conditions to exist that
existed in colonial days, all the resentment which overthrew
colonialism will be mobilised against us.
resources are there. It is for us to marshal them in the active service
of our people. Unless we do this by our concerted efforts, within the
framework of our combined planning, we shall not progress at the tempo
demanded by today’s events and the mood of our people. The symptoms of
our troubles will grow, and the troubles themselves become chronic. It
will then be too late even for Pan-African Unity to secure for us
stability and tranquillity in our labours for a continent
of social justice and material well-being. Unless we establish African
Unity now, we who are sitting here today shall tomorrow be the victims
and martyrs of neo-colonialism.
is evidence on every side that the imperialists have not withdrawn from
our affairs. There are times, as in the Congo, when their interference
is manifest. But generally it is covered up under the clothing of many
agencies, which meddle in our domestic affairs, to foment dissension
within our borders and to create an atmosphere of tension and political
instability. As long as we do not do away with the root causes of
discontent, we lend aid to these neo-colonialist forces, and shall
become our own executioners. We cannot ignore the teachings of history.
continent is probably the richest in the world for minerals and
industrial and agricultural primary materials. From the Congo alone,
Western firms exported copper, rubber, cotton, and other goods to the
value of 2, 773 billion dollars in the ten years between 1945 and 1955,
and from South Africa, Western gold mining companies have drawn a
profit, in the four years, between 1947 to 1951, of 814 billion dollars.
continent certainly exceeds all the others in potential hydroelectric
power, which some experts assess as 42 percent of the world’s total.
What need is there for us to remain hewers for the industrialised areas
of the world?
is said, of course, that we have no capital, no industrial skill, no
communications and no internal markets, and that we cannot even agree
among ourselves how best to utilise our resources.
all the stock exchanges in the world are preoccupied with Africa’s
gold, diamonds, uranium, platinum, copper and iron ores. Our capital
flows out in streams to irrigate the whole system of Western economy.
Fifty-two percent of the gold in Fort Knox at this moment, where the U.
S. A. stores its bullion, is believed to have originated from our
shores. Africa provides more than 60 percent of the world’s gold. A
great deal of the uranium for nuclear power, of copper for electronics,
of titanium for supersonic projectiles, of iron and steel for heavy
industries, of other minerals and raw materials for lighter industries
– the basic economic might of the foreign Powers – come from our
continent. Experts have estimated that the Congo basin alone can
produce enough food crops to satisfy the requirements of nearly half
the population of the whole world.
centuries Africa has been the milk cow of the Western world. It was our
continent that helped the Western world to build up its accumulated
is true that we are now throwing off the yoke of colonialism as fast as
we can, but our success in this direction is equally matched by an
intense effort on the part of imperialism to continue the exploitation
of our resources by creating divisions among us.
the colonies of the American Continent sought to free themselves from
imperialism in the 18th century there was no threat of neo-colonialism
in the sense in which we know it today. The American States were
therefore free to form and fashion the unity which was best suited to
their needs and to frame a constitution to hold their unity together
without any form of interference from external sources.We, however, are
having to grapple with outside interventions. How much more, then do we
need to come together in the African unity that alone can save us from
the clutches of neo-colonialism.
have the resources. It was colonialism in the first place that
prevented us from accumulating the effective capital; but we ourselves
have failed to make full use of our power in independence to mobilise
our resources for the most effective take-off into thorough going
economic and social development. We have been too busy nursing our
separate States to understand fully the basic need of our union, rooted
in common purpose, common planning and common endeavour. A union
that ignores these fundamental necessities will be but a shame. It is
only by uniting our productive capacity and the resultant production
that we can amass capital. And once we start, the momentum will
increase. With capital controlled by our own banks, harnessed to our
own true industrial and agricultural development, we shall make our
advance. We shall accumulate machinery and establish steel works, iron
foundries and factories; we shall link the various States of our continent
with communications; we shall astound the world with our hydroelectric
power; we shall drain marshes and swamps, clear infested areas, feed
the under-nourished, and rid our people of parasites and disease. It is
within the possibility of science and technology to make even the
Sahara bloom into a vast field with verdant vegetation for agricultural
and industrial developments. We shall harness the radio, television,
giant printing presses to lift our people from the dark recesses of
decade ago, these would have been visionary words, the fantasies of an
idle dreamer. But this is the age in which science has transcended the
limits of the material world, and technology has invaded the silences
of nature. Time and space have been reduced to unimportant
abstractions. Giant machines make roads, clear forests, dig dams,
layout aerodromes; monster trucks and planes distribute goods; huge
laboratories manufacture drugs; complicated geological surveys are made;
mighty power stations are built; colossal factories erected – all at an
incredible speed. The world is no longer moving through bush paths or
on camels and donkeys.
cannot afford to pace our needs, our development, our security to the
gait of camels and donkeys. We cannot afford not to cut down the
overgrown bush of outmoded attitudes that obstruct our path to the
modern open road of the widest and earliest achievement of economic
independence and the raising up of the lives of our people to the
for other continents lacking tile resources of Africa, this is the age
that sees the end of human want. For us it is a simple matter of
grasping with certainty our heritage by using the political might of
unity. All we need to do is to develop with our united strength the
enormous resources of our continent. A United Africa will provide a
stable field of foreign investment, which will encourage as long as it
does not behave inimically to our African interests. For such
investment would add by its enterprises to the development of the
national economy, employment and training of our people, and will be
welcome to Africa. In dealing with a united Africa, investors will no
longer have to weigh with concern the risks of negotiating with
governments in one period which may not exist in the very next period.
Instead of dealing or negotiating with so many separate States at a
time they will be dealing with one united government pursuing a
harmonized continental policy.
is the alternative to this? If we falter at this stage, and let time
pass for neo-colonialism to consolidate its position on this continent,
what will be the fate of our people who have put their trust in us?
What will be the fate of our freedom fighters? What will be the fate of
other African Territories that are not yet free?
we can establish great industrial complexes in Africa – which we can
only do in united Africa – we must have our peasantry to the mercy of
foreign cash crop markets, and face the same unrest which overthrew the
colonialists? What use to the farmer is education and mechanisation,
what use is even capital for development; unless we can ensure for him
and a fair price and ready market? What has the peasant, worker and
farmer gained from political independence, unless we can ensure for him a fair return for his labour and a higher standard of living?
we can establish great industrial complexes in Africa, what have the
urban worker, and all those peasants on overcrowded land gained from
political independence? If they are to remain unemployed or in
unskilled occupation, what will avail them the better facilities for
education, technical training, energy and ambition which independence
enables us to provide?
is hardly any African State without frontier problem with its adjacent
neighbours. It would be futile for me to enumerate them because they
are already familiar to us all. But let me suggest to Your Excellences,
that this fatal relic of colonialism will drive us to war against one
another as our unplanned and uncoordinated industrial development
expands, just as happened in Europe. Unless we succeed in arresting the
danger through mutual understanding on fundamental issues and through
African Unity, which will render existing boundaries obsolete and
superfluous, we shall have fought in vain for independence. Only
African Unity can heal this festering sore of boundary disputes between
our various States. Your Excellencies, the remedy for these ills is
ready to our hand. It stares us in the face at every customs barrier,
it shouts to us from every African heart. By creating a true political
union of all the independent States of Africa, we can tackle hopefully
every emergency, every enemy and every complexity. This is not because
we are a race of superman, but because we have emerged in the age of
science and technology in which poverty, ignorance and disease are no
longer the masters, but the retreating foes of mankind. We have emerged
in the age of socialized planning, when production and distribution are
not governed by chaos, greed and self-interest, but by social needs.
Together with the rest of mankind, we have awakened from Utopian dreams to pursue practical blueprints for progress and social justice.
all, we have emerged at a time when a continental land mass like Africa
with its population approaching three hundred million are necessary to
the economic capitalization and profitability of modern productive
methods and techniques. Not one of us working singly and individually
can successfully attain the fullest development. Certainly, in the
circumstances, it will not be possible to give adequate assistance to
sister States trying, against the most difficult conditions, to improve
their economic and social structures. Only a united Africa functioning
under a Union Government can forcefully mobilize the material and moral
resources of our separate countries and apply them efficiently and
energetically to bring a rapid change in the conditions of our people.
we do not approach the problems in Africa with a common front and a
common purpose, we shall be haggling and wrangling among ourselves
until we are colonized again and become the tolls of a far greater
colonialism than we suffered hitherto.
we must. Without necessarily sacrificing our sovereignties, big or
small, we can, here and now, forge a political union based on Defence,
Foreign Affairs and Diplomacy, and a common Citizenship, an African
currency, an African Monetary Zone and an African Central Bank. We must
unite in order to achieve the full liberation of our continent. We need
a common Defence system with an African High Command to ensure the
stability and security of Africa. We
have been charged with this sacred task by our own people, and we
cannot betray their trust by failing them. We will be mocking the hopes
of our people if we show the slightest hesitation or delay by tackling
realistically this question of African Unity.
supply of arms or other military aid to the colonial oppressors in
Africa must be regarded not only as aid in the vanquishment of the
freedom fighters battling for their African independence, but as an act
of aggression against the whole of Africa. How can we meet this
aggression except by the full weight of our united strength?
of us have made non-alignment an article of faith on this continent. We
have no wish, and no intention of being drawn into the Cold War. But
with the present weakness and insecurity of our States in the context
of world politics, the search for bases and spheres of influence brings
the Cold War into Africa with its danger of nuclear warfare. Africa
should be declared a nuclear-free zone and freed from cold war
exigencies. But we cannot make this demand mandatory unless we support it from a position of strength to be found only in our unity.
many Independent African States are involved by military pacts with the
former colonial powers. The stability and security which such devices
seek to establish are illusory, for the metropolitan Powers seize the
opportunity to support their neo-colonialist controls by direct
military involvement. We have seen how the neo-colonialists use their
bases to entrench themselves and attack neighbouring independent
States. Such bases are centers of tension and potential danger spots of
military conflict. They threaten the security not only of the country
in which they are situated but of neighbouring countries as well. How
can we hope to make Africa a nuclear-free zone and independent of cold
war pressure with such military
involvement on our continent? Only by counter-balancing a common
defence force with a common defence policy based upon our desire for an
Africa untrammelled by foreign dictation or military and nuclear
presence. This will require an all-embracing African High Command,
especially if the military pacts with the imperialists are to be
renounced. It is the only way we can break these direct links between
the colonialism of the past and the neo-colonialism which disrupts us
do not want nor do we visualize an African High Command in the terms of
the power politics that now rule a great part of the world, but as an
essential and indispensable instrument for ensuring stability and
security in Africa.
need a unified economic planning for Africa. Until the economic power
of Africa is in our hands, the masses can have no real concern and no
real interest for safeguarding our security, for ensuring the stability
of our regimes, and for bending their strength to the fulfilment of our
ends. With our united resources, energies and talents we have the
means, as soon as we show the will, to transform the economic
structures of our individual States from poverty to that of wealth,
from, inequality to the satisfaction of popular needs. Only on a
continental basis shall we be able to plan the proper utilisation of
all our resources for the full development of our continent.
else will we retain our own capital for our development? How else will
we establish an internal market for our own industries? By belonging to
different economic zones, how will we break down the currency and
trading barriers between African States, and how will the economically
stronger amongst us be able to assist the weaker and less developed
is important to remember that independent financing and independent
development cannot take place without an independent currency. A
currency system that is backed by the resources of a foreign State is
ipso facto subject to the trade and financial arrangements of that
we have so many customs and currency barriers as a result of being
subject to the different currency systems of foreign powers, this has
served to widen the gap between us in Africa. How, for example, can
related communities and families trade with, and support one another
successfully, if they find themselves divided by national boundaries
and currency restrictions? The only alternative open to them in these
circumstances, is to use smuggled currency and enrich national and international racketeers and crooks who prey upon our financial and economic difficulties.
independent African State today by itself has a chance to follow an
independent course of economic development, and many of us who have
tried to do this have been almost ruined or have had to return to the
fold of the former colonial rulers. This position will not change
unless we have unified policy working at the continental level. The
first step towards our cohesive economy would be a unified monetary
zone, with, initially, an agreed common parity for our currencies. To facilitate
this arrangement, Ghana would change to a decimal system. When we find
that the arrangement of a fixed common parity is working successfully,
there would seem to be no reason for not instituting one common
currency and a single bank of issue. With a common currency from one
common bank of issue we should be able to stand erect on our own feet
because such an arrangement would be fully backed by the combined
national products of the States composing the union. After all, the
purchasing power of money depends on productivity and the productive
exploitation of the natural, human and physical resources of the nation.
we are assuring our stability by a common defence system, and our
economy is being orientated beyond foreign control by a Common
currency, Monetary Zone and Central Bank of Issue, we can investigate
the resources of our continent. We can begin to ascertain whether in
reality we are the richest, and not, as we have been taught to believe,
the poorest among the continents. We can determine whether we possess
the largest potential in hydroelectric power, and whether we can
harness it and other sources of energy to our own industries. We can
proceed to plan our industrialization on a continental scale, and to
build up a common market for nearly three hundred million people.
Common Continental Planning for the Industrial and Agricultural development of Africa is a vital necessity.
many blessings must flow from our unity; so many disasters must follow
on our continued disunity, that our failure to unite today will not be
attributed by posterity only to faulty reasoning and lack of courage,
but to our capitulation before the forces of imperialism.
hour of history which has brought us to this assembly is a
revolutionary hour. It is the hour of decision. For the first time, the
economic imperialism which menaces us is itself challenged by the
irresistible will of our people.
masses of the people of Africa are crying for unity. The people of
Africa call for a breaking down of boundaries that keep them apart.
They demand an end to the border disputes between sister African States
– disputes that arise out of the artificial barriers that divided us.
It was colonialism’s purpose that left us with our border irredentism
that rejected our ethnic and cultural fusion.
people call for unity so that they may not lose their patrimony in the
perpetual service of neo-colonialism. In their fervent push for unity,
they understand that only its realization will give full meaning to
their freedom and our African independence.
is this popular determination that must move us on to a Union of
Independent African States. In delay lies danger to our well-being, to
tour very existence as free States. It has been suggested that our
approach of unity should be gradual, that it should go piece-meal. This
point of view conceives of Africa as a static entity with “frozen”
problems which can be eliminated one by one and when all have been
cleared then we can come together and say: “Now all is well. Let us
unite”. This view takes no account of the impact of external pressures.
Nor does it take cognizance of the danger that delay can deepen our
isolations and exclusiveness; that it can enlarge our differences and
set us drifting further and further apart into the net of
neo-colonialism, so that our union will become nothing but a fading
hope, and the great design of Africa’s full redemption will be lost,
view is also expressed that our difficulties could be resolved simply
by a greater collaboration through cooperative association in our
inter-territorial relationships. This way of looking at our problems
denies a proper conception of their inter-relationship and mutuality.
It denies faith in a future for African advancement, in African
independence. It betrays a sense of solution only in continued reliance
upon external sources through bilateral agreements for economic and
other forms of aid.
fact is that although we have been cooperating and associating with one
another in various fields of common endeavour even before colonial
times, this has not given us the continental identity and the political
and economic force which would help us to deal effectively with the
complicated problems confronting us in Africa today. As far as foreign
aid is concerned, a United Africa would be in a more favourable
position to attract assistance from foreign sources. There is
the far more compelling advantage which this arrangement offers, in
that aid will come from anywhere to Africa because our bargaining power
would become infinitely greater. We shall no longer be dependent upon
aid from restricted sources. We shall have the world to choose from.
are we looking for in Africa? Are we looking for Charters, conceived in
the light of the United Nations example? A type of United Nations
organisation whose decisions are framed on the basis of resolutions
that in our experience have sometimes been ignored by member States?
Where groupings are formed and pressures develop in accordance with the
interest of the group concerned? Or is it intended that Africa should
be turned into a lose organization of States on the model
of the organization of the American States, in which the weakern states
within it can be at the mercy of the stronger or more powerful ones
politically or economically or at the mercy of some powerful outside
nations or group of nations? Is this the kind of association we want
for ourselves in the United Africa we all speak of with such feeling
Excellences, permit me to ask: is this the kind of framework we desire
for our United Africa? And arrangement which in future could permit
Ghana or Nigeria or the Sudan, or Liberia, or Egypt or Ethiopia for
example, to use pressure, which either superior economic or political
influence gives, to dictate the flow and the direction of trade from,
say, Burundi or Togo or Nyasaland to Mozambique?
all want a United Africa, united not only in our concept of what unity
can connote, but united in our common desire to move forward together
and dealing with all the problems that can best be solved only on a
the first Congress of the United States met many years ago at
Philadelphia, one of the delegates sounded the first chore of unity by
declaring that they had met in a “state of nature” in other words, they
were not at Philadelphia as Virginians, or Pennsylvanians, but simply
as Americans. This reference to themselves as Americans was in those
days a new and strange experience. May I dare to assert equally on this
occasion, Your Excellences that we meet here today not as Ghanaians,
Guineans, Egyptians, Algerians, Moroccans, Malians, Liberians,
Congolese or Nigerians but as Africans. Africans united in our resolve
to remain here until we have agreed on the basic principles of a new
compact of unity among ourselves which guarantees for us and future a
new arrangement of continental government.
we succeed in establishing a new set of principles as the basis of a
new Charter or Statute for the establishment of a Continental Unity of
Africa and the creation of social and political progress for our people
then, in my view, this Conference should mark the end of our various
groupings and regional blocs. But if we fail and let this grand and
historic opportunity slip by then we should give way to greater
dissension and division among us for which the people of Africa will
never forgive us. And the popular and progressive forces and movements
within Africa will condemn us. I am sure therefore that we should not
have spoken at some length, Your Excellences, because it is necessary
for us all to explain not only to one another present here but also to
our people who have entrusted to us the fate and destiny of Africa. We
must therefore not leave this place until we have set up effective
machinery for achieving African Unity. To this end, I now propose for
your consideration the following:
a first step, Your Excellences, a Declaration of Principles uniting and
binding us together and to which we must all faithful and loyally
adhere, and laying the foundations of unity should be set down. And
there should also be a formal declaration that all the Independent
African States here and now agree to the establishment of a Union of
a second and urgent step for the realization of the unification of
Africa, an All-Africa Committee of Foreign Ministers be set up now, and
that before we rise from this Conference a day should be fixed for them
Committee should establish on behalf of the Heads of our Governments, a
permanent body of officials and experts to work out a machinery for the
Union Government of Africa. This body of officials and experts should
be made up of two of the brains from each Independent African State.
The various Charters of the existing groupings and other relevant
document could also be submitted to the officials and experts. A
praesidium consisting of the Head of the Governments of the Independent
African States should be called upon to meet and adopt a Constitution
and others recommendations that will launch the Union Government of
must also decide on allocation where this body of officials and experts
will work as the new Headquarters or Capital of our Union Government.
Some central place in Africa might be the fairest suggestion either at
Bangui in the Central African Republic or Leopoldville in Congo. My
colleagues may have other proposals. The Committee of Foreign
Ministers, officials and experts should be empowered to establish:
1. A Commission to frame a Constitution for a Union Government of African States;
A Commission to work out a continent-wide plan for a unified or common
economic and industrial programme for Africa; this plan should include
proposals for setting up:
• A Common Market for Africa
• An African currency
• African Monetary Zone
• African Central Bank, and
• Continental Communications System;
3. A Commission to draw up details for a Common Foreign Policy and Diplomacy;
4. A Commission to produce plans for a Common System of Defence;
5. A Commission to make proposals for Common African Citizenship.
Commissions will report to the Committee of Foreign Ministers who
should, in turn, submit within six months of this Conference their
recommendations to the Praesidium. The Praesidium meeting in Conference
at the Union Headquarters will consider and approve the recommendations
of the Committee of Foreign Ministers.
order to provide funds immediately for the work of the permanent
officials and experts of the Headquarters of the Union, I suggest that
a special Committed be set up now to work a budget for this.
Excellences, with these steps, I submit, we shall be irrevocably
committed to the road which will bring us to a Union Government of
Africa. Only a united Africa with central political direction can
successfully give effective material and moral support to our Freedom
Fighters in Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, South-West Africa,
Bechuanaland, Swaziland, Basutoland, Portuguese Guinea, etc., and of
course South Africa.